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Concept and Ideology
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Islamic Banking Around The World
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Islamic Banking in Pakistan
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Strategy for
Eliminating Interest from the Economy
The gradual
process of Islamisation of the banking system in Pakistan started in February
1979 when the President of Pakistan announced that interest was to be removed
from the economy within a period of three years (CII 1980). In 1977, the
government had appointed the Council of Islamic Ideology (CII) with the
responsibility of preparing a blueprint of an interest-free economic system in
the light of Islamic teaching. To assist in this task, CII set up a panel of
economists and bankers consisting of 15 highly qualified economists,
experienced central and commercial bankers and financial experts. Considering
the complexity of the task of eliminating interest from the economy, the panel
proposed a gradual approach. In the first interim report it recommended
immediate removal of interest from those financial institutions whose
transactions were relatively less complex and from where interest could be
eliminated with the greatest ease. Thus three of the specialized credit
institutions - the House Building Finance Corporation, National Investment
Trust, and Mutual Funds of Investment Corporation of Pakistan were selected
for removing interest from their financing operations immediately (Khan &
Mirakhore 1989, p.15).
The final report
contained recommendations for eliminating interest from all domestic financial
transactions. The panel recognized the difficulty in eliminating interest from
foreign transactions all of a sudden and advised reduction of dependence on
interest-bearing foreign loans. The CII scrutinized both the reports, brought
out changes in them in order to ensure complete conformity with Islamic
injunctions, and submitted them to the Government in November 1978 and June
1980, respectively (IPS 1994, p.66).
The CII report
emphasized that "the ideal Islamic techniques to replace interest in the
banking and financial fields are profit-loss sharing and Qard Hasan.
However, it gave due recognition to difficulties that may arise in changing
the whole system to profit-loss sharing in one step and also the fact that
there are certain spheres where it may not be possible to use the system of
profit-loss sharing. It, therefore, gave qualified approval to certain other
methods being used in conjunction with profit-loss sharing like leasing, hire
purchase, Bai-Muajjal, investment auctioning and financing on the basis
of normal rate of return. However, cautioning against the danger that such
methods could be a back door for interest, it emphasized that their use should
be kept to a minimum and that their use as a
general techniques of financing must never be allowed (Ibid,
pp.66-67).
The CII report
further stressed that lack of proper accounting practice due to illiteracy and
tendency to conceal profits on the part of the business concerns would act as
a hindrance in widespread adoption of the system of profit sharing by the
banks (Ibid, p.67).
Phased
Transformation
The government of
Pakistan planned to remove interest from the economy within a period of three
years starting with the task from House Building Finance Corporation, National
Investment Trust and mutual funds of the Investment Corporation of Pakistan.
These specialized financial institutions took the necessary steps to re-orient
their activities on a non-interest basis within few months of the announcement
from the government.
Considering the
complexity in converting operations of commercial banks into non-interest
based operations, a longer period was envisaged. On July 1, 1979, the
government introduced a scheme under which the nationalized commercial banks
had to provide interest-free loans to small farmers for meeting their seasonal
agricultural finance requirements.
The next major
step towards the elimination of interest from the operations of commercial
banks was taken in January 1981 when the government ordered banks to set up
separate counters for accepting deposits on a profit-loss sharing basis in all
five nationalized commercial banks. It was also announced that the deposits
received on PLS basis would not be used by the banks in interest-bearing
operations and that these accounts would be maintained separately. The
parallel system, in which savers had the option to keep their money with the
banks either in interest-bearing deposits or PLS deposits, continued to
operate till the end of June 1985. In June 1984, the government announced that
the parallel system would be discontinued during the course of 1984-85.
Accordingly, the entire assets side of the banks was converted into
non-interest-based modes of financing, except foreign currency deposits, which
continue to earn fixed interest allowing their maturity according to the
original terms of the contract. The other exception was foreign loans, which continued to be interest-based and governed
by the terms of the loans. No banking company was allowed to accept any
interest-bearing deposits after July 1, 1985 with the exception of foreign
currency deposits. All banking companies were required to share in profit and
loss from that day except deposits received in current account that were not
entitled to receive either interest or profit.
It is observed
that a circular of the State Bank of Pakistan permitted the use of mark-up
technique in wide range of activities in the private sector. However, banks
were instructed to discontinue the practice when wide spread criticism mounted
on charging of mark-up over mark-up in case of default as it was considered
incompatible with Islamic teaching. Other modes of financing specified in the
State Bank circular were as follows: loans free of interest but carrying a
service charge; Qard Hasan (loans given on compassionate grounds free
of interest and repayable if and when the borrower is able to pay); purchase
of trade bills on the basis of mark-down or mark-up in price; purchase of
moveable property by the banks from their clients with buy-back agreement or
otherwise; leasing; hire-purchase; financing for development of property on
the basis of a development charge; Musharaka; equity participation and
purchase of participation term certificates and Maharaja certificates;
and rent-sharing in the case of housing finance (Ibid, p.70).1.3
Legislation
Mudaraba technique of
financing was introduced as a result of enactment of the law "Mudaraba
Companies and Mudaraba (Floatation and Control) Ordinance" in June 1980
followed up by issuance of implementation regulations in January 1981.
Companies, banks, and other financial institutions, under this law, can
register themselves as Mudaraba companies and mobilize funds through
the issuance of Mudaraba certificates. Funds so mobilized are
restricted for use in only such businesses which are permitted in
Shariah requiring prior clearance from a religious board established by
the government. The law safeguards the
interest of the Mudaraba certificate holders by mandating quicker and
simpler adjudication of disputed matters by a tribunal specially set up for
this purpose. Moreover, the law provides a condition that the auditors will
certify that the business conducted by the Mudaraba Company is in
accordance with the objects, terms and conditions of the Mudaraba.
Promulgation of the Mudaraba law paved the way for new type of
financial instrument in the form of Mudaraba certificates and helped in
broadening the dimensions of the newly emerging Islamic financial
market.
Contending that
the existing legal framework in the country could not adequately protect the
banks against undue delays and defaults, the government enacted a law called
Banking Tribunal Ordinance in 1984. According to this ordinance 12 banking
tribunals with specific territorial jurisdictions, and each headed by a
high-ranking judge to be appointed by the government and required to dispose
of all cases within 90 days of the filing of the complaint, were to be set up.
The law also provided for an appeal procedure under which the verdict of a
tribunal could be appealed to the High Courts within 30 days.
Non-Banks within
Pakistan
Prior to Islamisation of banking, investment companies in Pakistan
offered an outlet for long-term funds generated in the economy. They invested
in common shares and in long-term debt. As a result of the move to
interest-less finance they exchanged the interest-bearing debentures they
owned for common shares of the same companies. They thereby became
fully-equity-based but were free to acquire Participation Term Certificates
(PTC) a new kind of financial instrument developed on the basis of
Musharaka. Ownership of their shares is legal for banks and other
intermediaries, as well as individuals. New close-end companies formed in the
future will add to the amount of long term funds available in the economy, and
all companies of this type, old or new, will compete with commercial banks for
the available supply of PTCs.
a) Islamisation of Commercial Banking in
Pakistan
The Islamisation of the banking system of Pakistan applies only to the
domestic activities of its commercial banks: their foreign branches were free
to accept deposits and make loans at interest. In their dealings within
Pakistan, each of the 17 exchange banks were required to operate under Islamic
codes of finance, following regulations of the State Bank of
Pakistan.
b) Commercial Banks as Intermediaries
Under the new banking arrangement, commercial banks are to accept funds
on a no-interest basis, subject to withdrawal by cheque, and return of the
principal amount of each deposit is guaranteed. For services provided in
maintaining chequing accounts and in meeting customer needs for other services
banks are to charge fees to recover administrative costs. In the case of
allowing overdraft, it is required to be interest-free. The argument is that
overdrafts allowed to current borrowers or to current account holders to
enable them to meet the unspecified needs or in cases of genuine hardship are
really benevolent loans.
On funds deposited into PLS accounts, banks participate in profit/loss
outcomes with their depositors according to ratios stated in the contracts
between depositors and banks. The percentage of profit/loss taken by the bank
is supervised by the State Bank of Pakistan, which has the authority to reduce
the ratio(s) in effect at a bank. For itself and the depositors, the bank
negotiates a sharing of the profit/loss on the use of funds provided to users.
This sharing must not be stated as interest or in a form that may be
interpreted as interest; for example, the bank may not be guaranteed a stated
amount or rate of return regardless of how successfully the funds were used.
The share allocated to it and its depositors must always be related to the
amount of profit/loss resulting from the use of funds provided (Harrington
1994, p.183).
In addition to funds provided for their depositors, banks also invest
their own funds in loans provided to their customers. Banks thereby
participate in the profit/loss results of their use, receiving the same
proportionate results per unit of capital provided as their capital accounts
do (Ibid, p.183).
i)
Financing and Credit Operation of Banks
While bank liabilities (other than
foreign currency deposits) are composed of either current account deposits, on
which the bank distributes no profit, or PLS deposits, three broad categories
of non-interest modes of financing have been allowed to guide banks' asset
operations. First, there is financing by lending, that is, loans not carrying
interest, on which banks may recover a service charge, and Qard Hasan (interest-free loans on compassionate
grounds). Second, there is trade related financing, including mark-up,
purchase of trade bills, lending on a buy-back basis, leasing, hire purchase,
and financing for development of property on the basis of a development
charge. The State Bank of Pakistan fixes minimum and maximum rates of
charges from time to time. Third, lending can take place under investment
financing, including Musharaka, equity participation and purchase of shares,
participation term certificates, Mudaraba certificates, and rent sharing.
While the State of Bank of Pakistan determines the ratio for sharing profits,
losses are proportionately shared among all the
financiers.
ii) Participation Term Certificates
A Participation Term Certificate (PTC) is a transferable corporate
instrument with a maximum maturity of ten years and allows for a temporary
partnership or Musharaka. It is a financial arrangement between a financial
institution and the business entity on the basis of profit-loss sharing over
the maturity period of the certificate. It was introduced as an alternative to
a debenture (which typically carries a fixed rate of return) for raising
medium term financial resources. Conceptually, since the financial and
economic relationship envisaged under PTCs is that of a partner in a business
venture, portfolio selection for the banks requires extensive knowledge and
experience with business involved. Funds under a typical PTC arrangement may
be obtained either from a single institution or from a consortium. The
business entity is expected to pay to the financial institution or bank,
provisionally on a semi-annual basis, an agreed percentage of anticipated
profits with a provision for final adjustment at the end of the financial
year. In the event of loss, the financial institution shall refund the share
of profit that it had received on a provisional basis. However, the loss
sustained by an entity in any accounting year will first be adjusted against
the reserves of the company, and the remaining loss, if any, shall be covered
in the subsequent years by the two parties in agreed proportions. The
financial institution is also permitted to convert up to 20 percent of the
principal amount of the PTCs into ordinary shares at par value, so long as
funds against PTCs are outstanding. Lending is secured by a legal mortgage on
the fixed assets of the company.
So far, the specialized credit institutions, including the Bankers'
Equity Limited and the Investment Corporation of Pakistan, have handled most
PTC operations. PTCs can be traded on the capital market.
iii)
Application of Musharaka in Pakistan
Like PTCs, no statutory definition of Musharaka has been
specified. However, a Musharaka contract is bilateral between the
financial institution and the user of the funds. Moreover, Musharaka
contracts are not negotiable instruments and can be traded like the
financial assets on the capital market. While Musharaka companies
typically provide long-term capital for industrial investment, they have so
far been used to fund the working capital requirements of the industrial and
trade sectors not as a loan but as a cash credit or overdraft account in which
operations could be carried out by depositing and withdrawing of funds.
Musharaka companies are deemed to be temporary partnership under which
the commercial bank and the client share in the profit or loss generated by
the working capital supplied by each to the project. In practice, the profit
sharing arrangement is drawn up on the basis of future profit projections
that, in turn, are based on past averages, duly adjusted according to the
future plans and projections and overall state of the economy and industry in
which the firm operates. The client, for his managerial responsibilities,
receives an agreed proportion of projected profits from the partnership, with
he balance divided between the bank and the client in a mutually agreed ratio
within the maximum and minimum ratios laid down by the State Bank of Pakistan.
If a loss results, it is to be shared by the client and the bank in the ratio
of their contributions to the funds employed in the project.
iv)
Mudaraba as Applied in Pakistan
Under the law authorizing the establishment of Mudaraba
companies, Mudaraba can be floated to meet the term-financing needs of
the private sectors. Under this arrangement, subscribers participate with
their funds, and the manager of funds, with his efforts and skills. Profits on
investments made out of Mudaraba funds are distributed among the
subscribers on the basis of their contribution, the manager of the fund
earning a fee for his services. Conceptually, a Mudaraba is an
investment fund for which resources are obtained through the sale of certificates to subscribers. Commercial
banks can serve either as managers or as subscribers. There can be two types
of Mudaraba: multi-purpose, that is, a Mudaraba having more than
one specific purpose or objective, and specific purpose. All Mudarabas,
however, are independent of each other and none is responsible for the
liabilities of, nor is entitled to benefit from the assets of any other
Mudaraba or of the Mudaraba Company. The companies are subject
to comprehensive regulations and safeguards under the Mudaraba Company
Law including the requirements that (a) each must subscribe at least 10 per
cent of the total amount of Mudaraba certificates offered for
subscription, and (b) certificate holders must be provided detailed
balance-sheets and profit and loss statements of the company at specified
intervals.
So far Mudaraba have been managed primarily by the specialized
credit institutions, specially the Bankers' Equity Limited, and have been for
specific purposes. The first Mudaraba Company in the private sector was
incorporated in November 1982 and floated its first Mudaraba enterprise in
early 1985, valued at Rs 25 million. Mudaraba certificates are traded
and quoted on the stock exchange.
v)
Application of Mark-up in Pakistan
When financing on a PLS-basis is not feasible owing to difficulties in
determining profits or the short-term maturity of funds required, banks have
been authorized to lend on the basis of mark-up. Under this arrangement,
the margin of profit or mark-up to the seller is mutually agreed upon between
the buyer and the seller in advance. The bank arranges for the purchase of the
goods requested by the customer and sells them to him on the basis of cost
plus the agreed profit margin. The payment is deferred and is made either in
lump sum or in installments over a specified period. The mark-up is mutually
agreed but must be within the minimum and maximum rates specified by the State
Bank of Pakistan. The mode is of short-term in nature and oriented towards
financing domestic and import trade, as well as financing input
requirements.
While banks are authorized to charge a mark-up within the limits
specified by the State Bank of Pakistan, they cannot charge mark-up on mark-up
in the event of delays in repayment; mark-up on mark-up is viewed as
interest.
vi)
Choice of Instruments
Although modes of financing are to be determined by agreement between
the bank and the client, the authorities recommended certain preferred
combinations of modes and types of transactions. Financing for trade and
commerce, which is primarily short term, should be handled through mark-up and
markdown operations, and through trade and loan on commissions and service
charges. Fixed investment in industry, trade and commerce is to be financed
through Musharaka, PTCs, leasing, and hire purchase; working capital
requirements are to be met through Musharaka and mark-up. Given the
varied nature of financing requirements in agriculture, modes available for
this sector cover a broader spectrum than in other sectors. While short-term
financing is to be provided largely on a mark-up basis, the choice of
medium-term and long-term lending modes will depend on the purpose. Leasing
and hire purchase are to be the primary instruments for purchase of machinery
and equipment, and for dairy and poultry needs. Financing for land, forestry,
etc., could be on the basis of development charges, mark-up or PLS modes,
depending on the nature of development undertaken. Advances for housing are to
be on a rent-sharing basis with flexible weights to banks' funds, or on a
buy-back and mark-up basis; personal advances for consumers durable are to be
on a hire-purchase basis. For purchasing consumer products, financing would be
solely against tangible security with buy-back arrangements. Basis of
financing in Pakistan against types of activity is grouped in Table-1
as below:
Table
1. Pakistan:
Possible Modes of Financing for Various Transactions
|
Types of
activity |
Basis of
Financing |
|
1. Trade and
Commerce |
|
|
|
·
Commodity
operations |
·
Mark-up |
|
|
·
Trade,
domestic, foreign |
·
Mark-up and
mark-down |
|
|
·
Other |
·
PTC, equity
participation, leasing, hire-purchase, mark-up |
|
2.
Industry |
|
|
|
·
Fixed
investment |
·
Equity
participation, PTC, Mudaraba, leasing, hire-purchase,
mark-up |
|
|
·
Working
capital |
·
PLS,
mark-up |
|
3. Agriculture and
fisheries |
|
|
|
·
Short-term |
·
Mark-up,
service charge |
|
|
·
Medium- and
long-term |
·
Leasing,
hire-purchase, PLS, mark-up |
|
4.
Housing |
·
Rent-sharing, mark-up |
|
5. Personal
advances |
|
|
|
·
Consumers
durable |
·
Hire-purchase |
|
|
·
Consumption |
·
buyback
arrangement |
Source: State Bank of
Pakistan, BCD Circular No. 13 June 20, 1997.
Central Banking and Monetary Policy in
Pakistan
(a) Functioning of the Central Bank
The Federal Shariah Court judgment does not directly impugn the
functioning of the State Bank of Pakistan except for section 22(1) of the
State Bank of Pakistan Act, 1956. But this apparently minor repugnance to
Shariah involves the most important role of the central bank that
governs interest rate chargeable by all the financial institutions in the
country, it cannot remain unconcerned with the judgment relating to:
Negotiable
Instrument Act XXVI of 1981.
Agricultural
Development Bank Rules, 1961.
Banking
Companies Ordinance (LVII of 1962).
Banks
(Nationalization) Payment of Compensation Rules, 1974.
Banking
Company (Recovery of Loans) Ordinance (XIX of 1979).
The court has
declared that the sections in the above laws or rules involve charging of
interest or mark-up which, according to the court, resemble interest. Interest
rate is governed by the bank rate. Mark-up is one of the modes of financing
which the State Bank recommended to the banks (Hasanuzzaman 1994,
p.197).
(b) Rates of Return and Charges
Rates of return on deposits and charges on bank financing, including
profit sharing ratios, are ultimately to be determined by market forces.
However, to ensure an orderly transition from the previous system, in which
interest rates were closely regulated, the new system provides for a
methodology to determine rates of return on PLS deposits and also lays down
maximum and minimum charges for various types financing modes; banks and
clients are free to negotiate charges within these limits.
Banks and other financial institutions receiving PLS deposits are
required to declare rates of profit on various types of liabilities, including
PLS deposits on half-yearly basis with prior authorization of the State Bank
of Pakistan. To protect the interest of both borrowers and lenders, the State
Bank of Pakistan is empowered to establish ranges within which financial
institutions, including banks and specialized credit institutions, and
borrowers would be permitted to negotiate rates of charges and profit-sharing
ratios. The determination of these ranges is also guided by considerations
relating to sectoral credit allocation priorities and the need to minimize
dislocations arising out of a sharp change in the cost of funding for
borrowers. Therefore, the concern so far has been to keep the costs of funding
as close to those under the interest-based system as possible, while allowing
market forces a greater role.
For financing by lending, where loans do not carry interest, banks may
recover a service charge not exceeding the proportionate cost of the
operation, excluding the cost of funds, provision for bad and doubtful debts,
Qard Hasana and income taxation. The State Bank of Pakistan also
specifies ranges of profit that should guide banks and the specialized
institutions in their lending operations under both trade-related and
investment-type modes of financing. Under the interest-based system, ceiling
rates were specified for a wide variety of loan operations; under the new
system considerable flexibility is given to the banks and the clients. Despite
this flexibility, a large proportion of financing, according to banks, has so
far been provided at about the same cost as under the previous
system.
Achievements and Failures in Islamising the Banking System of
Pakistan
Pakistan initiated a process of the Islamisation of its financial
system in 1979. Though the financial system of the country had undergone
significant changes since then, the process of Islamisation is yet to take its
full course. The measures adopted for this purpose have been characterized by
a number of shortcomings and deficiencies. The Federal Shariah Court in
November 1991 declared that a number of existing financial laws and practices
were repugnant to the injunctions of Islam and called upon the government and
other concerned agencies to take appropriate measures to bring them in
conformity with the Islamic tenets by the end of 1992.
Over a decade passed away by now that the first step towards
Islamisation of the financial system of Pakistan was put forward. The period
1979 to 1985 saw a fairly active policy on the part of the government to
Islamise the financial system. The original intention of the government was to
eliminate interest from all domestic banking and financial transactions within
a period of three years beginning from February 10, 1979. It appears that the
time frame was not practicable yet the government was earnest to move speedily
towards attaining the goal of an interest-free economy. It has been mentioned
that a parallel system was introduced in which savers had the option to keep
their savings with interest-bearing mechanism or in profit-loss sharing
savings scheme. In June 1984, it was announced by the government that the
parallel system would end in course of 1984-85 in so far as operation of
commercial banks and other financial institutions were concerned. All banking
companies were actually forbidden to accept any interest-bearing deposits as
from July 1, 1985, except foreign currency deposits. Banks were also
instructed to invest their PLS deposits only in interest-free avenues of
investment and financing. Serious consideration was seemingly being given to
the issue of eliminating interest from government transactions in 1984-85 as
the then finance minister stated in his budget speech that the government
proposed to consult scholars on the subject. However, the matter was not
pursued vigorously and the movement towards a completely interest-free economy
lost its dynamism and even its sense of direction after 1984-85 (Z. Ahmed
1994, pp.71-72).
The movement towards an interest-free economy suffered a setback when
in August 1985 banks were allowed to invest even their PLS deposits in
interest-bearing government securities. The present position is that the
return on PLS deposits contains a substantial element of interest. Since
1984-85, there has been no policy pronouncement as regards elimination of
interest from government transactions. To achieve the goal of interest-free
economy it is necessary that government should end its dependence on
interest-based borrowing. There are no indications so far this aspect has been
given due consideration in formulating government budgetary and other
policies. In fact, instead of reducing dependence on interest-based borrowing
there has been increased resort to such borrowing in recent
years.
The Islamisation in the field of banking and finance in Pakistan has
been marked by another serious deficiency in that no institutional mechanism
exists for a continuous scrutiny of the operating procedures of banks and
other financial institutions from the Shariah points of view.
Individual scholars examining these operating procedures have pointed out
several areas where the actual banking practices show deviation from
Shariah even in the case of modes of financing. Thus, even
Musharaka agreements, which banks ask their clients to sign, contain
features that have been called into question by several commentators. The
provision, for example, that in the event of a company suffering a loss in any
accounting year, it would be first adjusted against the existing reserves of
the company has been found inconsistent with the spirit of the
Shariah.
Although the idea of floating PTCs was fine, no legislative framework
was provided for standardizing the features of this new financial instrument
in the light of principles of Shariah. The CII report had provided a
broad outline of the features of such financial institutions but the actual
form in which PTCs have been issued does not fully conform to the suggested
outline. Some features of PTCs as introduced by certain financial institutions
have been widely criticized as being inconsistent with the requirements of
Shariah. Provisions made for payment of a pre-production discount rate
during the gestation period of a project and the stipulation of the share of
profit, equivalent to a percentage of the outstanding PTC funds, have evoked
strong criticism in this respect.
Among the 12 modes of financing allowed by the State Bank to replace
interest-based lending, banks have made predominant use of what has popularly
come to be known as mark-up financing. Mark-up financing has taken two main forms. The first form is similar to
Mudaraba financing being practiced by a number of Islamic banks in
other countries. Under this form, a transaction takes place in the following
manner:
a) The client approaches the bank with the request to purchase for him certain
specified goods;
b) The bank makes
the purchase;
c) The
bank sells these goods to the client at a price, which includes a mark-up over
the cost of the goods and agrees to receive payment at a future date in lump
sum or in installments; and
(d) The
client pays the amount due as agreed in lump sum or in installments and
the
transaction comes to an end.
The second form involves a buy-back agreement. The practice followed is
that a client sells his goods to the bank for cash and simultaneously buys
back the same goods from the bank at a higher mark-up price payable at a
future date either in lump or in installments. The second form of mark-up
financing has been severely criticized by scholars well versed in
Shariah and the Federal Shariah Court in its judgment has held
it to be manifestly against the Islamic teaching.
Though it is generally agreed that Mudaraba and Musharaka
are the ideal substitutes for interest in an Islamic economy, no special
efforts have been made to accord prominence to them in the policies adopted.
This seems to have given rise to an attitude of passivity on the part of the
banks and led them to use mostly such modes of finance, like mark-up, that are
more akin to interest-based banking and require the least modifications in the
old lending procedures.
The liability side of the banking system has undergone a comprehensive
change since the introduction of interest-free banking in Pakistan. Saving and
time deposits no longer earn a fixed return. Banks declare profits payable on
these deposits at six-monthly intervals based on their operating
results and these vary from period to period and from bank to bank. The rates
of profit are worked out by a formula that determines net profit accruing to a
bank and allocates them to the remunerable liabilities according to their
maturities. Allocations are based on differential weights assigned to
liabilities according to their maturities. The system has in general been
found to be compatible with Islamic teachings except that, as mentioned
earlier, profits declared by banks contain a substantial element of
interest.
Experts in Shariah and other writers on Islamic banking have
identified certain other challenging features of the present state of the Islamisation of banking in Pakistan that also
deserve attention. Some of the observations as reported by Ziauddin Ahmed are
as follows:
"A tendency seems to have developed to replace PTCs by TFCs (term
finance certificates). As against PTCs, which are based on the concept of
Musharaka, TFCs are based on a system of fixed mark-up. This has been
considered a retrograde step as the objective should be to expand profit-loss
sharing modes of finance rather than to restrict them
further".
Financial institutions undertaking leasing business are making greater
use of financing lease than of operating leases. Experts in Shariah
consider financing leases to be incompatible with Islamic teaching.
Many 'development finance institutions' (DFIs) are mobilizing savings
through schemes that give returns, which are hardly distinguishable from
interest. Grey areas are developing even in the operation of institutions like
National Investment Trust, which were previously thought of having eliminated
interest completely. It seems that there is no agency to oversee the working
of the various schemes being employed by DFIs to mobilize savings from the
viewpoint of Shariah.
Lately, the State Bank of Pakistan has laid down the minimum and
maximum rates of profit a bank can share in the case of Musharaka or
purchase of PTCs or Mudaraba certificates. Experts in Shariah consider
such a stipulation incompatible with Islamic teachings. Due attention has not
been paid to eliminate un-Islamic features characterizing the operations of
several constituents of money and capital market in Pakistan other than banks
and DFIs. Nothing has been done so far, for example, to reform the insurance
business and the stock exchange operations in the light of Islamic
teaching.
|
|
|
Islamic Banking in Iran
|
|
Introduction
Following the revolution in 1979, the Iranian authorities took steps to
transform the banking system of the country in a way that it fully
corresponds to Islamic Shariah. In February 1981, Bank Markazi (the
central bank) took some administrative steps to eliminate interest from
banking operations. As a result, interest on all asset-side transactions was
replaced by a 4 per cent maximum service charge and by 4 per cent to 8 per
cent minimum "profit" rate, depending on the type of economic activity.
Interest on the deposits was also converted into a "guaranteed minimum
profit". In the mean time, preparations got underway for enacting
comprehensive legislation to bring the operations of the entire banking system
in compliance with the Shariah. The legislation, prepared by a
high-level commission (comprising bankers, academicians, businessmen, and
religious scholars), was passed by the Parliament in August 1983 as the Law
for Usury-Free Banking, henceforth to be referred to as "the Law". The Law
required the banks to convert their deposits in line with the Shariah
within one year, and their total operations within three years, from the date
of the passage of the Law, and specified the types of transactions that must
constitute the basis for asset and liability acquisition by banks (Iqbal &
Mirakhore 1985).
Bank Liabilities
under the New Law
According to the new Law, liabilities acquired by the banks were
required to be based on two kinds of transaction:
Qard Hasan deposits: According to the
Law, Qard Hasan constitutes current and savings deposits as in the
conventional banking system except that they earn no returns. Of course, the
banks can offer different kinds of incentives like non -fixed prizes and
bonuses in cash or in kind; an exemption from, or a discount in, the payment
of commission or fees; and priority in use of banking
facilities.
If seen from customers' perspective, the purpose of these accounts
would be to serve as a means of transaction, payment, and liquidity. Banks are
to consider the money received in the form of current and savings deposits as
"their own resources" and accordingly they can use it but no profits are to be
given to the depositors. However, the full nominal value of the depositors is
required to be guaranteed by the banks.
Term investment deposits: Banks are
authorized to receive two types of investment deposits, short-term and
long-term. The deposits differ with respect to the required minimum time
limits, three months for short-term and one year for long-term deposits, and
with respect to the minimum amount required, Rls. 2,000 for short-term and
Rls. 50,000 for long-term accounts.
Banks have to give priority on investment deposits, i.e., depositors'
resources over their own resources, that is, their capital plus Qard
Hasan. Banks are also allowed to use a combination of their own and
depositors' resources in an investment project, in which case the bank and the
depositor share the resulting profits. A third possibility is for the bank to
replace the depositor's bank in an investment project to serve as a trustee.
In this case the profits as well as any capital gains are returned to the
depositors and the bank charges only a commission to cover the expenses of
administering the accounts. The bank can guarantee and insure the principal
amount of depositor's resources.
In the cases where combined resources of the bank and the depositors
are invested, the return to depositors is calculated in proportion to the
amount of invested deposits after subtracting the required reserve portion
from the base amount. The banks are required to announce their profits at the
end of each six months of their operation and transfer the shares of the
depositors' profits to each of their accounts. Deposits withdrawn earn no
profits before the minimum time required or reduced below the required
minimum.
Modes of Financing
and Credit Operations
The Law provides a number of modes of operation upon which financing
and credit operations are to be based. The following are in brief the
discussions on each mode of operation:
Musharaka (Partnership): The Law
recognizes two different forms of partnership: civil and legal. The first is a
project-specific partnership of short duration in commercial production, and
service activities in which each partner provides a share of the necessary
capital, and the assets and properties acquired are held as community property
until the end of the life of the partnership. In these cases, the bank's share
in the capital cannot exceed the share of the manager-entrepreneur initiating
or directing the project.
The second form of partnership is a firm-specific venture of longer
duration in which the bank provides a portion of total equity of a newly
established firm or buys into an existing corporation. The banks can
participate in the equity of such partnership only after the technical,
economic, and financial viability of the firm (or the project) has been
appraised and minimum expected rate of profit from the investment appears to
be high enough to warrant the undertaking of the venture by the bank. The Bank
Markazi determines the maximum amount of equity participation by the bank, and
the minimum amount of participation by other partners. The banks are allowed
to sell and purchase shares whenever they deem it
appropriate.
Direct investment: Banks can invest
directly to any economic activities they choose so long as the following
requirements are met: (i) banks cannot invest directly in projects in
collaboration with the private sector, or in projects that lead to the
production of luxury and unnecessary commodities; (ii) the ratio of the
initial capital of these ventures to total funds needed must not be less than
40 per cent; (iii) the total fixed capital necessary for undertaking these
projects must be provided for by long-term financial resources; (iv)
undertakings of direct investment by banks must be based on well-documented
evaluation and appraisal of the project, and use of bank resources and
investment deposits in direct investment projects is allowed if, and only if
the expected return from these projects is sufficient to meet the minimum
required rate designated by Bank Markazi; (v) banks must report to Bank
Markazi the amount of their own, as well as depositors' resources allocated to
direct investment projects; (vi) once the projects in which the banks have
directly invested have begun their productive activity, banks can sell shares
to the public; and (vii) Bank Markazi is authorized to investigate and audit
direct investment projects in which banks have invested.
Mudaraba:
This is a short-term commercial, contractual partnership between
a bank and an agent entrepreneur according to which financial capital is
provided by the bank and managerial effort by the entrepreneur in order to
undertake a specific commercial project. Banks are required to give priority
in their Mudaraba activities to co-operatives. Moreover, banks are not
allowed to engage in Mudaraba financing of imports with private
sectors.
Salaf transactions: To provide
firms with the needed working capital, banks can pre-purchase their future
output so long as the product characteristics and specifications are
determined at the time of the purchase and the agreed price does not exceed
the market price of the product at the time of the transaction. Banks,
however, cannot sell the product until they have taken physical possession of
the same. The delivery date of the product, which is to be fixed at the time
of the transaction, cannot exceed one production cycle or one year, whichever
is shorter.
Installment purchases: Banks are
authorized to purchase raw materials, machinery and equipment for firms and
resale the same to them on installment. The volume of raw materials cannot
exceed that necessary for one production cycle and the repayment period for
the same cannot exceed one year. The price of the product is to be determined
on a cost-plus basis. The repayment period for machinery and equipment cannot
exceed their useful life, which is considered to begin on the date of their
utilization in the production process and the duration of which will be
determined by the central bank. Residential housing can also be built and sold
by banks on installment.
Lease-purchase transactions: Banks can
purchase the needed machinery and equipment, or other moveable or immovable
property, and lease the same to firms. While signing contract agreement the
firm has to provide guarantee to take possession of the property at the end of
the contract period, if the conditions of the contract are fulfilled. The time
period involved in this transaction cannot exceed the useful life of the
property (to be determined by the Bank Markazi). Banks, however, cannot engage
in transactions in which the useful life of the property is less than two
years.
Ju'alah (transaction
based on commission): Banks may
provide or receive services on requirement and charge or pay commissions or
fees for such services. The service to be performed and the fee to be charged
must be determined at the time of the transaction.
Muzara'ah: Banks may
provide agricultural lands that they own or are otherwise in their possession
(e.g., as a trust) to farmers for cultivation for a specific period and a
predetermined share of the harvest. Banks may also provide seed and fertilizer
along with the land if they so require on the same basis.
Musaqat : Banks may also
provide orchards or trees that they own or that are otherwise in their
possession (e.g., as a trust) to farmers for a specific period of time and a
predetermined share of the harvest.
Qard Hasan loans: Banks are
required to set aside a portion of their own resources for extending
interest-free loans to (i) small producers, entrepreneurs, and farmers who
would otherwise be unable to find alternative sources of financing investment
and working capital and (ii) needy consumers. Banks are permitted to charge a
minimum service fee to cover the administrative cost.
Permissible modes of operation corresponding to different types of
economic activities may be summarized as below:
Table
2. Islamic
Republic of Iran: Modes of Permissible
Transactions
Corresponding to Types of Economic Activity
|
Types of
Activity |
Permissible
Modes |
|
1. Production (Industrial, mining,
agricultural) |
Musharaka, lease purchase, salaf
transactions, installment sales, direct investment, Muzara'ah,
Musaqat, and Ju'alah |
|
2. Commercial |
Mudaraba, Musharaka,
Ju'alah |
|
3. Service |
Lease-purchase, installment sales,
Ju'alah |
|
4. Housing |
Lease-purchase, installment, Qard Hasana, Ju'alah |
|
5. Personal
consumption |
Installment sales, Qard Hasana |
In addition to the
above modes of financing, banks are permitted to purchase debt instruments of
less than one year's maturity on condition that debts are issued against real
assets.
General Regulations Governing Asset Acquisition by
Banks
The Law of Usury-Free Banking, along with the promulgation of
regulations concerning modes of transactions, specifies additional regulations
that govern asset acquisition by banks (Ibid, p.108).
Banks can only extend credits when they are reasonably assured that the
principal sum granted and resulting profits are returned within a specific
period of time. Banks are responsible for the control and supervision of the
activity to which their own resources and/or the resources of their depositors
are contractually committed.
Credit can be extended, conditional upon observance of proper
procedures that ensure the security of the financial resources extended by the
banks. Banks must ensure that the value of physical assets obtained through
the use of their resources by their clients and the value of collateral is, at
all times, equal to the remainder of the outstanding principal. To this end,
banks may take steps to ensure the value of such assets or collateral during
the lifetime of the project.
While banks may engage in joint venture projects with other banks, one
specific bank must assume the responsibility of supervision and control of the
project undertaken. Banks must take necessary steps to ensure that their
clients understand that contracts mutually consented to are binding legal
documents and will be treated as such by the courts.
Supervision of the Banking System
The Law placed the responsibility of supervision of the entire banking
system of the country with Bank Markazi. Bank Markazi can exercise the
following means for exercising its authority. It determines:
(a)
Legal reserve requirements for various types of bank deposits of
the banks;
(b) Bank-by-bank credit ceilings on aggregate
and sectoral credit;
(c)
Minimum and maximum expected rates of return from various
facilities to the banks;
(d) Minimum and maximum profit shares for
banks in their Mudaraba and Musharaka
activities
(e) Maximum rates of commission the banks
are to charge for investment accounts for which they serve as
trustees;
(g) The maximum amount of credit facility
granted by banks to each applicant;
(h) The ratio of credit facilities
granted by each bank to various deposits; and
(j) The maximum amount of commitment made by each
bank emanating from open letters of credit, endorsements,
issuing guarantees, as well as the type and amount of collateral for such
commitments (Ibid, p.109).
Moreover, Bank Markazi is authorized to audit and inspect banks'
accounts and documents and is further empowered to devise additional
regulations to enhance its supervisory authority as the need arises to ensure
and safeguard against threats of banks' insolvency. Bank Markazi has developed
procedures based on these guidelines for commercial banks to follow their
transactions.
The New Monetary Policy
The new Law and its by-laws and regulations have maintained the powers
and rights of the monetary policy so far as they are not in contradiction with
Islamic principles. In Iran, monetary policy is implemented independently of
fiscal policy and follows the same objectives as those followed by classical
monetary policy (Mahdavi 1986). To implement monetary policy, except the rate
of interest, all monetary policy instruments, such as legal deposits, the
global and sectoral ceilings of credit facilities, discount rates, and so on
are still applicable in Iran (Mahdavi 1995, p.226).
Along with the elimination of interest rate certain other completely
new monetary instruments have been created by the Law and put at the disposal
of the monetary authorities. A number of these new instruments included in the
Law to perform functions similar to those of the interest rate in implementing
monetary policy may be described as below:
Minimum Anticipated Rate of Return
(MARR): Anticipated
return is future net income arising from certain banking operations. MARR is a
yardstick by which to judge the acceptability of credit applications submitted
to the bank. In fact, MARR, which reflects the opportunity cost or hurdle rate
to finance the opportunities, is one of the new instruments incorporated in
the Islamic banking regulations in Iran. The rate may play a major role in
implementing monetary policy. Banks are authorized to finance if, and only if,
the anticipated calculated rate of return on such financing is at least equal
to MARR. In other words, projects whose anticipated calculated rate of return
is below MARR are rejected (Ibid, p.227). That means, an increase or decrease
in MARR will lead to contraction or expansion of the credit volume granted by
banks.
Maximum Rate of Profit
(MRP):
Another new monetary instrument embodied in the Law is MRP. The
monetary policy authorities determine the rate. MRP is used by Islamic banks
in Iran as a "mark-up" or "cost-plus" on the price of the assets and/or
commodities sold to customers on credit. The MRP has the similar kind of
impact as that of the MARR so far as its use as monetary
tool.
Unique Features of
Islamic Banking in Iran
The unique features of Islamic banking in Iran may be identified in the
following contexts (Ibid, p.227).
a) Banks' Credit Portfolio
One of the main features of an Islamic bank in Iran is the content of
its portfolio. Each bank's portfolio is composed of a vast number of
investments in a variety of economic activities e.g., agricultural,
industrial, mining, housing, etc. Certainly, such a portfolio is well
diversified. The risk and return on such a portfolio would seem to be very
close to those of a market portfolio. A portfolio with this feature signifies
minimum risk and maximum return. This finally leads to an assured and stable
return to the bank's depositors.
Efficiency is another feature of the said portfolio. Each investment
project and/or subject accepted by the bank complies with the standards set up
by the monetary authorities. One of the standards is MARR. Thus, the projects
with highest rate of return, i.e. the highest efficiency, have priority in
credit facilities. Such procedures will
eventually force the economic units concerned, and the economy as a whole,
towards efficiency.
b) Probability of Losses on
Capital
A stable return with low risk on an Islamic bank's portfolio makes the
profit-and -loss account of such a bank in Iran less vulnerable. Hence, the
risk on equity capital of these banks will be minimized. Moreover, one should
bear in mind that the depositors in an Islamic bank will receive,
proportionately, the bank earns. This, in turn, can help banks in avoiding
even more losses.
c) Distribution of
Income
An Islamic bank's portfolio in Iran contains a huge volume of
investments in the activities of society. The income of those activities
is shared, firstly, between the banks and the customers and, secondly, between
investment depositors, i.e., a large number of the population in the
society.
d) Uses of Banks'
Resources
The mechanism of Islamic banking is such that the resources are used
for the purpose of granting credit facilities. The credit facilities are
supplied indirectly in the form of assets and/or commodities. Based on these
procedures, the financial needs of any sector of the economy are supplied by
the banks in exactly the volume dictated by the monetary authorities. As a
result, the method of financing of the type as in Iran is of great assistance
to the achievement of monetary policy objectives.
e) Supervision and
Control
The Islamic banking system in Iran has its built-in supervision and
control in both use and repayment of credit facilities. The following phased
out procedure automatically facilitates supervision and control. In the phase
of study and examination of the application, confirmation of the feasibility
of projects and conformity of the application with the rules and regulations
ensure the necessary control. During the stage of use of funds, banks act as
buyers and sellers, which also gives them control. During the last period of
financing, however, supervision is rather difficult. During this stage, the
resources if not controlled, may be diverted to other uses. Hence the
supervision at this stage needs to be tighter.
Implementation
of the Law
Much of the trend in Islamic banking in Iran has been influenced by
factors, which have their roots in the pre-Revolutionary economic structure,
as well as post-revolutionary external and internal political developments.
The post revolution economy had inherited a host of difficult economic
problems. Before the revolution, the Iranian economy had become highly
dependent on oil revenues as well as on the imports of raw materials,
intermediate goods and food. The industrial sector was organized without due
attention paid to efficiency or comparative advantage and with very weak
forward and backward linkages to the rest of the economy. The agriculture
sector, which was producing surplus commodities until late 1960s, began to
contract and there was a massive migration of farmers into the cities (Khan
& Mirakhore 1989, p.8).
The revolution brought with it a host of economic problems including,
inter alia, massive capital flight, which almost led to the collapse of the
banking and financial system (Bank Markazi). The problems began to multiply
for the economy at a rapid pace as the revolution took place. The economy,
already vulnerable to internal and external shocks, faced the freezing of
foreign assets, economic sanctions, interruption in production, the influx of
nearly two million Afghan refugees, and the war with Iraq, drastic reduction
in oil revenues (Behdad 1988, p.p.3-4). Concurrently, the constitution of the
Islamic Republic of Iran specified objectives for the economy to be
pursued-such as income redistribution, self-sufficiency in production,
strengthening the economy, and reduced reliance on oil revenues-all of which
required fundamental restructuring of the society's economic behavior and
institutions. The fall in oil revenues, plus the political objective of
non-reliance on external financial resources, inevitably meant that the
banking system would have to be relied upon to play a role far broader than
that of pure intermediation (Khan & Mirakhore 1989,
p.8).
The banking system has been used as an instrument of restructuring the
economy-away from services and consumption toward production-in four ways.
First, credit to the service sector, which constituted 55 percent of the GDP
(1984-85), has been drastically reduced to halt its expansion in the short-run
and curtailed its size in the medium-term. The policy went into effect during
the second phase and continued in the later phase. Second, using all available
modes of Islamic financing to help farmers improve and expand production has
used bank credit to encourage the growth of the agriculture sector. Coupled
with substantial government subsidies for seed, fertilizer, machinery, and
crop insurance, the credit policy of the banking system is aimed at reviving
the agriculture sector. This policy was initiated during the first phase and
strengthened in the later phases. Third, Islamic banking has been used to
create incentives for the development of a cooperative sector spanning
agriculture, industry, and trade (Ibid, p.9). Cooperatives are given priority
in credit allocation and in direct investment as well as in Musharaka
financing by the banking sector.
The banking system also has been used as an instrument of income
redistribution through the provision of Qard Hasan loans for the
needy, financing for the building of low-income housing, and financing for
small scale agro-business and industrial cooperatives often without stringent
collateral requirements. Additionally, the banking system has financed
government deficits, which obviously has distribution impacts. It is clear
that with reduction of oil revenues from 27 percent of GDP in 1977/78 to only
4 percent in 1986/87, the banking system has been a major source of finance
for achieving many of the social and economic goals of the Islamic
revolution.
Given the extraordinary circumstances in which the Iranian economy has
found itself since revolution, the performance of Islamic banking since its
implementation in 1984 has been remarkably smooth (Ibid,
p.9).
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Islamic Banking in Sudan
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Introduction
Unlike the experiences of Iran and Pakistan, Islamic banks in Sudan
have been operating in a dual system, i.e., alongside conventional banks.
Because of their history and circumstances associated with the inception of
some of them, Islamic banks in Sudan do not share the same experience. The
Faisal Islamic Bank, Sudan (FIBS), for instance, being the forerunner, started
operations in 1978 under a special decree that extended some privileges to it.
These were represented by tax holidays, exempted from exchange restriction,
exceptions from those articles in the Bank of Sudan law pertaining to interest
imposition and exemption from some articles of the Labor Act provided that it
adopted a generous pay system (Mudawi 1995, 1995, p.246).
Five Islamic banks are found operating in Sudan as per information
published by International Association of Islamic Banks. The banks along with
their year of establishment are as follows:
1) Sudanese Islamic
Bank, 1983
2) Islamic Bank of
Western Sudan, 1983
3) Al-Baraka Bank,
Khartoum, 1983
4) Islamic
Co-operative Development Bank, 1983
5) Al-Tradamun Bank,
1984.
Although the FIBS
was allowed special privileges and it was found to be operating without
apparent problems, the rest of the Islamic banks were not provided those
facilities. Still they got experience from the operation of FIBS. Their
operations were largely prompted by the success of FIBS. FIBS provided these
banks with trained manpower and training facilities.
The Islamisation of Banking System Islamisation
of banking system in Sudan was initiated by a presidential order from
President Numeiry instructing the Governor of the Bank of Sudan to implement
the process immediately. This resulted in an immediate instruction from the
Governor to the conventional banks to turn themselves Islamic as from July 1,
1984 allowing them two months' times. This left virtually no time for advance
studies or preparations to be taken by the conventional banks to convert
themselves into Islamic. As a result, most of the banks could not do much more
than to replace the word "interest" with the word "profit". The basis of all
contractual agreement was made Murabaha. No committee conversed in
religious guidance was formed and consulted. Lack of carefulness was also
noticed by the incident that no supervisory techniques for Islamic banks were
designed by the central bank.
Further, it was the requirement that the central bank would change its
philosophy and structure and the way it formulates monetary policy and manages
monetary affairs within the framework of Islam. The Bank of Sudan was with the
trend but lagged behind since it did not seek right advice in right form at
the right time. In spite of that the circulars issued by it had been referring
frequently to Islamic financial modalities but the name rather the spirit
seemed to be the essence.
The Bank of Sudan maintained the conventional instruments for
regulating the money supply. It mainly relied on quantitative control by
fixing a random credit ceiling and imposing an across-the board cash ratio on
all types of deposits. This has not proven to be an effective way of
controlling money supply nor conducive to economic
development.
Islamic banks in Sudan have been found to be prudent. They diversified
their activities by project, client and economic sector in order to minimize
their risky operations in an environment of legal and economic constraints. In
spite of the Islamisation of the entire banking system of the country, Islamic
banks were singled out and subjected to severe attack. The attack came from
official as well as from private circles. This antagonistic environment for
Islamic banks in Sudan started under the rule of President Numeiry and
prolonged until the military government of Al-Mahdi. During the Numeiry rule
the attack did not go beyond accusations by the news media that these banks
were behind the famine that struck the country at that time and also behind
the shortages in foreign exchange and the high prices of foodstuffs. During
the transitional military government and Al-Mahdi government intensity of
accusations mounted and tribunals were set up to investigate the
accusations.
Problems of
Islamic Banks in Sudan
The Islamic banks in Sudan operate in isolation. That means these banks
are in the grip of a legally supported system based on a monetary authority
(the Bank of Sudan) and subject to many other laws that control activities of
the banks.
The first problem come across by these banks was the laws and
regulations that were not modified to accommodate their operation. They
faced the same types of control and supervision as has usually been used for
regulating the activities of the conventional banks. Islamic banks had
continuously been pursuing the Bank of Sudan to appreciate that they were
different and had to be dealt differently-at least that the reporting forms
and their terminology should now be in language used for credit restrictions
and cash ratios. As a result of that the Bank of Sudan introduced the terms
Musharaka and Mudaraba into its credit policy
directives.
Another aspect of the isolation of Islamic banks operating in an
interest-based financial setting such as Sudan is the absence of any
arrangements for receiving financial support from the Bank of Sudan. This,
along with quantitative, restrictive credit policy exercised by the Bank of
Sudan, caused those banks to end up with excessive opportunities for utilizing
their excess liquidity for very short periods of time or overnight (Ibid,
p.247).
Another difficult situation which Islamic banks faced was in the area
of staff recruitment. All Islamic banks drew on the staff of the conventional
banks to varying degrees when they started their operations. The qualities
required by Islamic banks are not only proficiency and integrity, but
commitment and sense of belonging. This subjected these banks to the demanding
task.
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References
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Behdad, Sohrab (1988).
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Khan, Mohsin S. and Abbas
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Mudawi, Al-Bagkir Youssef (1995). The Experience of Islamic Banks in
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